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The socio-environmental impacts of European animal domesticates in colonial Australia
As Brillat-Savarin wrote, “The destiny of nations depends on the manner in which they are fed” (Brillat-Savarin 1854, 25). Indeed, establishing reliable sources of food was critical for the survival of colonies, as early historical records demonstrate in Australia. Animal bones recovered from historical sites have been well-studied from colonies in the Americas, but remain understudied in Australia, and should be central to understanding early colonial anxieties around food security. As animal domesticates share a unique, close relationship with humans and are intricately connected with human activities, delineating this relationship contributes to understanding past behaviours, such as the responses of early colonists to a new suite of social and environmental conditions during initial periods of colonisation.
In this chapter, we argue that food choice was pivotal in maintaining European identity during the first century post colonisation. In particular, the preference for consuming mutton over more readily available native species, such as kangaroo, was a way of maintaining ties to British heritage and social identity. Some have also argued that prohibiting the hunting of native species was also an initial mechanism to maintain control of the new colony (Newling 2016). Unfortunately, the preference for introduced European domesticates by the early colonists, and subsequent intensive sheep husbandry, resulted in significant environmental consequences and cultural changes, for both Aboriginal peoples and native species – changing an ancient landscape and ancient culture permanently. Here we explore the impacts of this human-animal-environmental nexus in colonial Australia with a focus on sheep, providing a zooarchaeological case study highlighting the detrimental environmental impacts of colonisation. In so doing, we also construct a high-level model for considering how different cultures adapted their food choices to challenging new colonial environments. We apply this model to Australia, examining the way in which this adaptation shaped and was shaped by foodways.
Social formation in early colonial settings is a fluid process, typically resulting in novel combinations of ethnic groups and resources (e.g. Deagan 2003; Stein 2005). Because these combinations tend to be dynamic and highly experimental, they are challenging to understand. Human-animal interactions are an intrinsic part of these dynamics and lay the groundwork for subsequent socio-cultural and economic structures. The presence of introduced species in colonies also had significant and lasting environmental impacts. Much of the available literature on the early colonisation of Sydney, Australia’s first colony, has primarily focused on two landscape transformations. First, the shift “from an Aboriginal landscape to an organic, preindustrial town” and second, change involving “a remodelling and growth tied to farming, grazing, timbergetting and town building …” (Karskens 2010, 3).
While relatively abundant zooarchaeological remains have been recovered from well-contextualised deposits derived from development-led consulting projects, they have yet to be used as a source of socio-ecological evidence for these early stages of colonisation. This chapter uses evidence from the analysis of sheep bones to question assumptions surrounding early colonial social dynamics and foodways. In doing so, it challenges foundational stories to create new narratives and develop a more robust understanding of these early colonial social dynamics and their resulting ecological impact.
The colonisation of Australia has been studied from many angles (e.g. Flexner 2014), but surprisingly limited attention has been directed toward the species brought out on ships in the early phases, and approaches to farming them once here. Sheep have largely been examined through the lens of history, with a focus on key pastoral figures such as John Macarthur and the role they played in fuelling the colonial economy (e.g. Murray and Chesters 2012), but limited focus has been given to them from a zooarchaeological and ecological perspective. There has also been only limited historical and archaeological study devoted to the ways in which these new species (and resulting agricultural practices) impacted the environment. As an introduced species, sheep have had a critical impact on Australia’s physical landscape. We know that this is true from an ecological perspective (e.g. Melville 1994), and so it is important that this species, which was simultaneously economically significant while also being fundamentally environmentally destructive, features more prominently in archaeological understandings of the colonial past.
The introduction and spread of non-native species into novel ecosystems has been a focus of anthropological research for decades (Fillios et al. 2012; Fillios and Taçon 2016; Letnic et al. 2012; Sykes 2012; Sykes et al. 2006), and while understanding how species generally impact regional environments and integrate with and/or interrupt local ecosystems has been a driving force to this type of research, sheep have received only limited attention as a non-native species. Limited scholarship has addressed how European colonisers adapted their agricultural practices to their new environment, what factors governed the choice of domesticates and whether new husbandry/agricultural techniques were adopted as a result. Even less is known of the role played by behavioural ecology and those biological variables intrinsic to sheep. Once introduced, sheep become the dominant animals in most places, but the driving force(s) behind their popularity are rarely addressed.
The examination of this more recent human-sheep relationship, specifically in the delineation of the ecological, socio-cultural and economic impacts of this relationship in colonial Australia from a zooarchaeological perspective, provides an opportunity to apply an Australian case study to pressing global questions of environmental change and resource security in the face of growing climatic instability. The continual interplay between humans and the unique suite of environmental conditions encountered in each new place (e.g. topography, geologies, soils, climates, ecologies) is not simply backdrop to social transformation in early colonial contexts but is also a series of conditions vital to understanding the experience and sort of settlement that emerged in Sydney (Karskens 2010).
The story of human history is the story of migration, and colonialism is one of its more recent chapters. Diachronically, colonialism shares several features, most commonly the “importation” of the coloniser’s cultural package. These shared features mean that short, early phases of experimentation accompanying these periods can help decipher human dynamics. Faunal evidence plays a key role in understanding colonial adaptations to new environments (e.g. Landon 1996; Zierden and Reitz 2016), and the social importance of the human-animal relationship, particularly with respect to foodways, is well-recognised. Shifts in land use strategies by European colonists have been examined in North America (Arbuckle and Bowen 2002), but the pivotal role that the grazing of European stock played in altering the landscape of the Sydney basin by grazing over woodlands and pastures created by Aboriginal burning, has not received the attention it merits. The earliest colonial animal economies in Australia can be explained by the nexus between animal management and ecology. “By the 1820’s, the pattern of farming and grazing lands echoed the funnel shape of the plain’s arable soils precisely” (Karskens 2010, 20). For example, European modification of the landscape in the Sydney basin led to the destruction of the resources on which the Dharug people had relied for thousands of years.
The zooarchaeology of colonisation in Australia is shaped by the interplay between culture and the environment, in particular the impact of hard-hoofed European domesticates, predominantly sheep and cattle, on an environment that drastically differed from the homelands of the British colonisers. To contextualise this interplay, we briefly contrast Australian zooarchaeology against the zooarchaeology of domesticates in another area of British colonisation, the Americas.
Delineating the human-animal relationship in colonial settings offers an unrivalled view of the impacts of introduced species on novel environments the world over. Indeed, the colonial period was an important phase in history, where the tyranny of ever-increasing distances coupled with drastically different climates compared to countries of origin necessitated degrees of change, innovation and cultural adaptations to survive in new and challenging environments. Few scholars have focused on understanding reactions to new environments by looking at the role of culture as a uniquely human way of adapting to environmental constraints and opportunities (Steward 2006). External drivers are well-discussed as agents of cultural change in human history, and so too is acceptance that similar adjustments could occur within similar environments (Gunn 1980). The driver behind this premise is that people carry a “culture core” with them (particularly regarding subsistence strategies and economic arrangements) that would likely reoccur in any place with the same environmental conditions (Hardesty 2009). Bökönyi (1975) suggested that when settlers immigrate to new regions where animal husbandry is unknown, they will maintain their original animal husbandry traditions. This theory of international immigrants to new environments, and the idea of culture change versus cultural persistence and continuity (e.g. Voss 2018, 2015, 2012, 2008, 2005), is relevant to many studies of settler colonies in North, Central and South America, where the British, French and Spanish had varying degrees of success incorporating their own culture cores.
Colonial American foodways offer a wealth of extensively analysed faunal material. Drawn primarily from collections of seventeenth to nineteenth century material, the broad similarities to Australia in the historical setting provides a useful comparison, including well-documented insights into this period of adaptation and change, such as diet and subsistence practices, animal husbandry strategies, food production/distribution systems, social and cultural variation and specifically, degrees of transplantation of cultural traditions (Landon 2009, 2005). The colonial period in the Americas was characterised by the settlement and subsequent continuity/change of several European cultures (i.e. Dutch, British, French and Spanish), and so offers the opportunity to contrast systems derived from different peoples.
The concept of continuity and/or change is a prominent area of research into subsistence, particularly in the degree to which colonists tried to retain traditional dietary preferences or a “library of foodways” (Cheek 1998) in new environments. Many have used this concept to examine British, French, Spanish and even Dutch settlements, with specific focus on the British colonists’ responses to the new environments (Bowen 1975; Fischer et al. 1997; Hodgetts 2006; Landon 1996, 1997; Lightfoot 2018; Miller 1984, 1988; Reitz 1986; Reitz and Honerkamp 1983; Reitz and Waselkov 2015; Reitz and Zierden 2014; Smith 2014; Tourigny 2020; Welker et al. 2018; Zierden and Reitz 2009). In stark contrast to Australia, Miller (1984, 1988) detailed British adaptations in subsistence strategies to the new environment of the south-eastern coast of the United States, finding the overall subsistence patterns of the colonists shifted significantly from their English antecedent by the 1700s. In this case, the environment drove change such that, despite the traditional importance of sheep in the British diet, there was a switch to cattle, which were better suited to the hot and humid Chesapeake climate (Miller 1988). Reitz and Honerkamp (1983) reached the same conclusions regarding the seminal role of the environment when explaining a dearth of sheep at Fort Frederica, Georgia.
Fischer and colleagues (1997) and Hodgetts (2006) both compared the traditional English diets with those of the colonists (Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay and Newfoundland, Canada), suggesting a desire (and ability) on the part of the colonists to retain certain domestic “English” meats – primarily beef and pork. In these colder contexts, sheep became universally redundant, as cattle and pig were better suited to the sandy and forested environment.
Differences between rural and urban diets have also been widely recognised in colonial areas – but the role of environmental factors as drivers in these contexts has been less well-addressed. In general, similar patterns appear across time and space, with urban contexts including more domestic animals and rural diets being more diverse with the inclusion of wild species. This pattern has been identified among British colonists in Massachusetts, South Carolina and Georgia (Landon 1996, 1997; Reitz 1986).
Military contexts also conform to the rural/urban colonial pattern. Welker and colleagues (2018) examined the diet of the British colonial militia at Fort Shirley, Pennsylvania, which indicated a distinctive dietary patterning whereby consumption of domesticates lessened over time. The inaccessible nature of the fort’s location was heavily influenced by road infrastructure, fostering a reliance on wild game within colonial military provisioning (Welker et al. 2018). Similarly, in a study of British and American settlers in Upper Canada, Tourigny (2020) suggested initial foodways were heavily influenced by traditional diets, with beef and pork important food staples at the beginning of settlement. Over time, however, a cuisine characteristic of the region developed (Tourigny 2020).
The influence of Indigenous peoples also shaped dietary practice in the Americas, especially in rural contexts. Data on French subsistence practices in the mid-western United States (Fort Michilimackinac, Fort Ouiatenon, Cahokia wedge) suggest that compared to their English counterparts, French traders had far greater interaction and trade with Native Americans, significantly altering their diets to incorporate higher rates of wild mammals – with an almost complete dearth of sheep (Cleland 1970; Martin 1986, 1988, 1991; Scott 1991, 1996). Additional research finds variability. Greenfield (1989) examined faunal remains to differentiate Dutch and British households, suggesting that as the Dutch New Amsterdam became the English New York, pig became less desirable as the popularity of sheep and cattle increased. Janowitz (1993) examined seventeenth century New Amsterdam foodways, finding faunal assemblages dominated by the three main domestic taxa, and that, despite adding native species to the diets, the Dutch retained their European food preparation methods.
Notably, traditional Spanish subsistence practices appear to have changed in colonial North America, with major dietary changes driven by an unsuitable environment for sheep which meant Spanish livestock failed to thrive. Beef began to supplant traditional Spanish species and was accompanied by a marked increase in wild species consumption (Opishinski 2019; Reitz 1979, 1991, 1992a, 1992b, 1993, 1994; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarry 1985; Reitz and Waselkov 2015; Sunseri 2017). In a comparison between Spanish, French and British diets, colonists appear to have transplanted subsistence practices from their homelands in varying degrees, but adapted to their new environment by altering their reliance on certain domesticates, thereby reflecting local social, economic and especially environmental factors (Reitz and Waselkov 2015).
In Central and South America, the degree to which the Spanish colonists adapted their foodways to new environments, and the degree to which local Indigenous communities assimilated the imposed diets has been well-studied (deFrance 1996, 2003; deFrance and Hanson 2008; deFrance et al. 2016; De Nigris et al. 2010; Freiwald and Pugh 2018; Jamieson 2008; Kennedy and VanValkenburg 2016; Kennedy et al. 2019; Newman 2010). Here, Spanish colonisation generally meant a fusion of traditional Andean culture and European customs – whereby the majority of Indigenous settlements rapidly accepted and integrated Eurasian domesticates (particularly sheep, goat and pig) into their diets, with a continued, though diminished, reliance on local resources. Again, here too there is variability. DeFrance (2003) suggested that wealthy Spanish inhabitants of Potosi (Bolivia) were more likely to maintain their Iberian cultural traditions rather than adapt Andean cuisine. Data from parts of Argentina and Peru suggests that there was no indication of the introduction of Eurasian animals but rather a persistence of Indigenous dietary practices. This may have resulted from brief colonial occupations and failed settlements due to the maladaptation of domesticates in high elevation environments (deFrance et al. 2016; De Nigris et al. 2010).
The confluence of European colonists, new environments and local Indigenous peoples also came together to produce changes in husbandry, and thereby diet. Sarah Boston’s Farmstead in Massachusetts established that the New England Native American households incorporated and adapted European animal husbandry strategies into their Native Nipmuc practices (Allard 2015). Morphometric data from cattle have been used to explain how husbandry strategies were a contributor to changes in cattle size (e.g. Arbuckle and Bowen 2004; Reitz and Ruff 1994). Changes in land use strategies including access to less forage, coupled with static husbandry strategies, resulted in less nutrition and thus decreased cattle size (Arbuckle and Bowen 2004). Additional research examined how husbandry strategies affected the environment, with the rapid rate of settlement and cotton growing in Ozan Township, Arkansas, resulting in drought and soil erosion (Proebsting 2016).
In other areas of the Americas, particularly Spanish missions in southern Arizona and northern Mexico, extensive cattle ranching was introduced by Spanish colonists who exploited Indigenous communities as a labour force (e.g. Pavão-Zuckerman 2011, 2017; Pavão-Zuckerman and LaMotta 2007; Pavão-Zuckerman and Martinez-Ramirez 2020). Cattle were also used for secondary products, particularly hides and tallow, which were vital for Spanish mining activities in the regions (Pavão-Zuckerman 2011; Pavão-Zuckerman and LaMotta 2007). Elsewhere, Wallman (2018) focused on the ecological consequences of colonialism and the sugar monoculture plantation era in the Caribbean (Martinique, Barbados and Dominica), highlighting that the subsistence practices and small-scale animal husbandry that began during slavery are still evident today.
This survey illustrates that despite variability, there are several consistent patterns in colonial contexts whereby early colonists initially tried to adhere to the foodways of their native land. Subsequently, however, diets evolved, ultimately adapting in response to a suite of environmentally determined factors, including climate, topography and availability of wild species. These adaptations to new environments, coupled with influences from Indigenous communities and new sources of labour, resulted in the distinctive foodways which now characterise different geographical regions. These patterns form a significant base for comparison with early colonial contexts in Australia.
Colonial Australian diets initially follow patterns evident in other areas of British colonisation – but instead of evolving to incorporate Indigenous resources and novel foodways, they generally remained stubbornly static (but see Allen 2008 for Port Essington as a notable exception). The choice to maintain British foodways could be argued to be wrapped in a firmly British identity for at least the first century of Australia’s colonial history.
From an archaeological perspective, historical zooarchaeology is a young discipline in Australia in which discussions over the human-animal-environmental nexus have largely centred around megafaunal extinctions (e.g. Brook and Johnson 2006; Cosgrove et al. 2010; David et al. 2021; DeSantis et al. 2017; Dortch et al. 2016; Field 2006; Field and Dodson 1999; Field et al. 2008; Field et al. 2013; Fillios et al. 2009; Gillespie et al. 2006; Grellet-Tinner et al. 2016; Hocknull et al. 2020; Langley 2020; Price et al. 2011; Trueman et al. 2005; Turney et al. 2008; Wroe et al. 2013) and Australian pre-European history (primarily the Pleistocene and the early Holocene) (e.g. Cosgrove and Allen 2001; Garvey 2006, 2007, 2011; Garvey and Sandy 2009; Garvey et al. 2011, 2016; Fillios et al. 2012; Fillios and Taçon 2016; Langley et al. 2016). Faunal analyses from colonial contexts often fall under the larger umbrella of historical archaeology and so are often buried within broader research – such as overviews of Oceania (Flexner 2014), Australia and New Zealand (Harvey 2013; Lawrence and Davies 2009; Winter 2013) and thematically convict archaeology in New South Wales (Gojak 2001). The small number of extant overviews focused specifically on Australian foodways, and none focused on the environmental effects of introduced animal domesticates, demonstrating the limited research in colonial contexts (e.g. Cosgrove 2002; Crabtree 2016; Manne et al. 2016; Garvey and Field 2011).
Of the published analyses, those with a colonial focus (c. 1780s–1860s) have a strong emphasis on diet. The concept of continuity and change in foodways (so prevalent in the Americas) is still an emerging theme in colonial Australian zooarchaeology, as is a socio-economic perspective examining the rural/urban and convict/free settler dichotomies. Research on early colonial Sydney by historian Grace Karskens leads the discussion (e.g. 1997, 1999, 2003 and 2010), with detailed findings on the interplay between subsistence, diet and the environment drawn from excavations at the Cumberland/Gloucester site in The Rocks. Karskens (2003) suggested that convicts and ex-convict families in The Rocks were in fact eating well, and that the foodways of early colonial Sydney reflected the traditional and well-known habits of England. In this case, the consumption of heads and feet (less desirable parts of an animal) was not a sign of poverty and oppression, but rather an indication of the transplantation of native customs and preferences.
Some suggest that diets of the wealthy show similar dietary patterns to those of freed convicts in early colonial Sydney (e.g. Karskens 2003), with deposits from the oldest “wealthy” colonial site in Australia – the first Government House – yielding evidence for cattle hocks and suckling pig (Crook et al. 2006; Lawrence and Davies 2009), species also found in common contexts. Sarah Colley (2006, 2013) proposed a preference for European domesticates as a way that free settlers could distinguish themselves from convicts, thereby providing a useful comparison against which to contextualise further analyses of the interplay between cultural preferences and diet. More research is needed on convict settlements to test this theory.
Status and identity markers in rural areas are comparable to patterns noticed in North America. Blake’s (2010) comparative analysis of urban and rural diets from Sydney (Cumberland Street) and surrounds (Parramatta and Old Marulan) suggested a consistency of dietary preference across colonial Sydney (i.e. primacy of mutton) in line with Karskens (1999; 2010), but also variability due to geographical differences, such as the consumption of Australian native species away from urban centres. Documentary evidence further indicates that British cultural traditions were desirable and were retained in the early post-convict period (Blake 2010). Native species were also consumed in early Hobart, with kangaroo eaten during a time in which no European domesticates were imported from the mainland (Fillios 2016). In this case, rural diets were blind to class – with evidence the wealthy ate as the poor – suggesting that access also played a key role in one’s ability to maintain cultural food preferences.
In Tasmania, D’Gluyas and colleagues (2015) contrasted subsistence patterns and quality of life of civilians, the military and incarcerated occupants of Port Arthur prisoner barracks. The faunal assemblages suggested diets included traditional European domesticates, as well as wild native taxa, suggesting a reasonably varied diet in contrast to the urban mainland. Sheep and pig remains were the most prevalent, with on-site processing suggested, as one would expect in this remote location. D’Gluyas and colleagues (2015) noted ration size changed across classes (i.e. from prisoners to privileged convicts, military or civilian overseers), suggesting standardised rations for higher status people. Whether meat quality also changed is not known.
In colonial Melbourne, Howell-Meurs (2000) and Simons and Maitri (2006) both utilised species abundance, skeletal part representation, butchery marks and age determinations to establish diet. Howell-Meurs (2000) discussed socio-economic patterns in light of high-quality cuts of cattle and sheep consumed at the Viewbank homestead site in Heidelberg. Howell-Meurs (2000) also advocated further intra-assemblage studies using the Viewbank assemblage for socio-economic insights (rural representations) and the environmental impact of colonisation on flora and fauna. Guiry and colleagues (2014) introduced the first stable isotope study of domesticates in Australia from the Commonwealth Block site. Isotopic analyses established the species consumed, finding domestic species were raised locally, with a few imported/non-local animals (Guiry et al. 2014).
Isotopic analyses have been applied to the analysis of faunal remains infrequently. In addition to Guiry, Pate focused primarily on human remains (e.g. 1995, 1997, 2012, 2017) and native Australian species (e.g. 1998, 2008) to examine Aboriginal diets, mobility and provenance. Lastly, whilst Owen and colleagues (2017) examined the isotopic signatures of human rather than domestic animal remains, the study provided valuable insight into early Sydney colonial diet. Owen and colleagues (2017) suggested the main meats consumed were pork and mutton with the occasional beef, facilitating comparisons with the diets of other colonial Australian settlements, as well as the documented diets from nineteenth-century England and Ireland.
Dietary remains recovered from shipwrecks provides strong insight into foodways and trade networks. English (1990) focused on the salted meats from the William Salthouse wreck (on the Pope’s Eye Shoal). Analysing mainly a beef and pork cargo, he suggested that butchery mark location and morphology may facilitate the identification of salted meats at terrestrial sites. In a similar vein, Guiry and colleagues (2015) used stable isotopes from cattle and pig remains to establish the origin and dietary life histories of the animals on board the William Salthouse, concluding that a single ship could have contained animals with a relatively wide range of origins. Lastly, Nash’s (2002) analysis of animal remains from the Sydney Cove shipwreck (at Preservation Island) suggested that necessary provisions for the early colonies, such as salted meat (including sheep) were being imported from India. Nash’s (2002) study has important implications for understanding the adaptation process of the colonisers and the importation of certain meats (i.e. that they were not solely imported from Britain).
Finally, dietary insight from analysis of faunal remains at whaling stations provides additional support for the seminal role of the transplantation/adaptation process of the British cultural core. Meat diets from nineteenth-century Tasmanian whaling stations (Adventure Bay, Bruny Island and Lagoon Bay, Forestier Peninsula) suggest that men in whaling parties had access to a varied and nutritious diet, with mutton always preferred, especially when fresh, and thus was most likely to be locally raised and butchered on-site (Lawrence 2001; Lawrence and Tucker 2002). Meanwhile beef was commonly brought in as barrelled beef, a diet heavily influenced by Britain (Lawrence 2010).
Gibbs (2005) likewise established the same in his study of a Western Australian whaling station (Cheyne Beach), where he noted a high frequency of sheep (fresh mutton) in the assemblage, alongside an absence of cattle and pigs. James-Lee (2014) examined both Australian (Lagoon Bay, Adventure Bay and Cheyne Beach) and New Zealand (Te Hoe and Oashore) nineteenth-century whaling stations to better understand the interactions between the immigrants and the Aboriginal peoples and Māori peoples. James-Lee (2014) established that all the communities studied mostly maintained their traditional whaling station rations but also supplemented with local and exotic species in varying degrees, as dependent on land access and interactions with local peoples. For example, in New Zealand, intermarriage with Māori women provided supplementations of seafood into diets, but colonisation also introduced pork (from Polynesia) and new varieties of pig and chicken (from Europe), followed by mutton becoming the most dominant meat (James-Lee 2014). In Australia, less trade with Aboriginal communities, larger areas of land to farm and access to native land mammals meant that there was an increased frequency of local animal husbandry predicated on imported European domesticates as well as ration supplementation with opportunistic hunting.
In an interesting contrast to whaling stations, Dooley and colleagues (2020) examined the subsistence practices of nineteenth-century enslaved Aboriginal pearl divers at Bandicoot Bay in Western Australia and suggested that the provisioning arrangements were very different to those in whaling stations, with no domestic animals recovered. Explanations for this dissimilarity include the suggestion that whaling stations were occupied for larger portions of the year than Bandicoot Bay, which represented only brief occupations, and that the complete absence of imported domesticate meats could be explained by the depletion of provisioned meats on ships, whereby wild meats were then used to substitute.
This brief review highlights what appears to be lack of interest in foodways beyond species lists in Australia. However, there is a vast body of data from historical sites in the grey literature, either as subsections within larger archaeological consultancy reports, or as unpublished academic theses. For example, English’s (1991) paper on William Salthouse stemmed from a much larger, unpublished research project on mutton. Similarly, Piper’s (1991) thesis remains unpublished. Others include Torres (1997), who focused on the meat diet of the working class in Sydney, Baylem (2009) who examined socio-economic status in colonial Adelaide and Hart (2018) who examined wild versus domestic faunal remains from Cottage Green, Hobart. Many more faunal assemblages remain unpublished and unanalysed – representing a rich but untapped source of data on early colonial Australian lifeways. Encouragingly, Connor’s research delineating the meat diet of women at the Hyde Park Barracks in Sydney has recently been published (2016; 2021).
Foodways offer a nuanced understanding of the past interplay between humans, animals and the environment. Domesticated species in particular function as proxies for social, cultural, economic, technological and environmental change (Thomas and Fothergill 2014). Delineating past diets of a particular cultural group, town or region addresses the specific choices people made, and importantly for this discussion, the drivers for those decisions. Here, we argue that the single largest factor in Australian colonial food choice was cultural connection with Britain. Not only do the historical sources, including cookery books, evidence the dedication to British cuisine, but the faunal record clearly and strongly supports this preference.
In colonial Australia, most historical sources suggest that mutton, preferably locally raised, was the overall preferred meat. Beef and pork were also prevalent, although, being more expensive, were consumed less by the working class and more so by the elite. The archaeological record supports this picture, with “English” food seen as desirable and thus retained. Mutton was comfort food from home, while native fauna, like kangaroo, were not widely consumed – especially in comparison with other areas of British colonisation. The question that has still to be adequately addressed is why English colonists in Australia remained steadfast in their adherence to traditional foods, whereas in the Americas, local foods were more readily incorporated into the diet. Perhaps some of this difference can be attributed to the unfamiliarity of Australian native animals (e.g. marsupials) as opposed to the relative familiarity of animals such as deer in the Americas, as well as to the different socio-economic backgrounds of many of Australia’s first European inhabitants, which were initially drawn from the lower classes. Certainly, in rural areas and in periods of scarcity, native fauna were consumed. In the early nineteenth century, New South Wales experienced a period of scarcity and so sheep were not exported to the colonists in Hobart who quickly turned to kangaroo to fill the gap (Fillios 2016; Hart 2018). Similar patterns are apparent at Port Arthur (D’Gluyas et al. 2015) and rural areas near Sydney (Blake 2010).
Australia’s British colonists likely did not consider the impact that their food choices would have on this new and very different place – and, in particular, the way in which the choice to manage one species over another would shape and alter the environment with which colonists came into contact. Environmental change driven by cultural food preference was an unintentional process, but one that has had dire consequences for almost every environment into which both plant and animal domesticates were introduced.
Husbandry strategies altered animals, humans and the environment. Not only have the drivers behind Australia’s cultural adherence to British foods not been adequately addressed, but neither have the resultant impacts on the environment. In Australia, the environment was the limiting factor in sheep husbandry, most notably water and feed. Karskens (2010) notes that European grazing species were initially introduced to fertile landscapes around the Sydney Basin, which were the product of Aboriginal firing. These areas were ideally suited to cattle and sheep, who quickly altered the landscape for good through overgrazing. As sheep moved westward, the climate was drastically different - hotter, more arid, with less water and food. This different climate necessitated changing the genetic composition of the flock – the first steps toward creating the Australian Merino.
In other areas of European colonisation, a similar mix of environmental and socio-cultural factors governed the extent to which, and whether, sheep became part of a national industry. Sheep could be a proxy indicator for former areas of British rule, as today, most former British colonies contain sheep: South Africa, South America, North America, New Zealand and Australia. In the New World, during the fifteenth century, the Spanish transported sheep from Spain on Columbus’ second voyage (likely Churra breed). In the sixteenth century, Cortés brought sheep to Mexico, and the flocks spread into what is now the south-western United States via Spanish colonists. Churras were eventually introduced to the Navajos and became a key part of their livelihood and culture, with the modern Navajo-Churra breed a result of this heritage (Melville 1994).
In North America, the sheep industry was already beginning in the early seventeenth century. By the 1640s, there were 100,000 sheep across the 13 colonies, with a dedicated wool mill in Watertown, Massachusetts, 20 years later (Melville 1994). The relative ease with which sheep took hold in North America is likely in part thanks to similar environmental conditions to England, coupled with the transplantation of an already established medieval wool industry from home. In the late seventeenth century, the Wool Act of 1698 banned the export of wool from the American colonists. This continued into the eighteenth century, with the British government banning further export of sheep to the Americas, or wool from it, in an attempt to stifle any threat to the wool trade in Britain and Ireland – one of many restrictive trade measures that precipitated the American Revolution. The sheep industry in the north-east grew despite the bans. In the nineteenth century, sheep production moved west and this migration culminated in range wars over grazing and water rights for sheep and cattle (Gulliford 2021). It seems that economic factors have always driven production – and in Australia the story is no different.
In addition to the novel understandings of socio-economic and cultural adaptations arising from colonial encounters, foodways provide a way of looking at adaptations to a new suite of environmental conditions. The historic period, in particular, was one of rapid environmental change, whereby European colonisation spread plants, animals and diseases around the world (Landon 2009, 2005). Research on colonial Australian foodways holds great potential to understand not only how the climate influenced past peoples, but also how colonists influenced new environments by responding to, adapting to and changing them (Steele 2015). Indeed, in recent decades there has been a growing number of archaeological studies with multidisciplinary approaches acting as proxies for information on past climate and environment, and changes in both (Emery 2004, 2007, 2010; Emery and Thornton 2008a, 2008b, 2012a, 2012b; Sandweiss and Kelley 2012). Faunal remains can be used as proxies for climate conditions and therefore aid in understanding local human interactions and responses to environmental changes, such as the economic strategies used to cope with them (Jones and Britton 2019).
Combining traditional approaches with advanced methodologies has therefore become increasingly useful in exploring these human-environmental interactions, not only on local and regional, but also on global scales (Jones and Britton 2019). Domesticates in particular can “reveal anthropogenic modifications to their environments, diets, physiologies and life histories”, as direct results of human activity (Birch 2013; Jones and Britton 2019; Makarewicz 2016; Pilaar Birch et al. 2019a; Zangrando et al. 2014; Zavodny et al. 2019). Part of the domesticate life histories include their management by past human societies, and because animal husbandry strategies were influenced by particular environments, this can reveal tailored management strategies to suit the specific conditions encountered (Jones and Britton 2019). This adjustment of the animal management strategies of past humans to suit certain conditions can be seen in studies by Balasse and colleagues (2006) and Britton and colleagues (2008) who examined sheep in areas of prehistoric Britain to reveal they were eating seaweed and grazing in salt marshes. Additionally, Gron and colleagues (2016) revealed that certain cattle in Neolithic Scandinavia were being manipulated to have multiple birth seasons, while Balasse and colleagues (2021) examined the environmental constraints within Neolithic European cattle seasonal calving, and the resulting impacts on milk availability and cheese making.
Colonial foodways provide a better understanding of the past impacts of human decisions, and this understanding should be used to inform present and future food choices. Understanding “the nature and extent of environmental and climatic changes in the past, and how societies responded to such changes, may be crucial to being able to predict and adapt to the contemporary climatic challenges” (Jones and Britton 2019, 969). Australia has a vastly different climate to Britain and understanding the environmental and social impacts that European animal husbandry had can provide didactic insights into the very real challenge we currently face to create a stable food supply with a future of rising global temperatures and climatic extremes.
The real value of understanding the interplay between human food choice and the environment may lie in learning to change our cultural preferences in deference to local environmental conditions – especially in the face of a future with an increasingly variable climate. This may mean turning away from lamb, beef and pork – animals with high water requirements, and some with narrower food preferences – toward more sustainable choices, such as kangaroo and even goat, as understood by Aboriginal peoples and underscored by Pascoe (2014) and many others.
It is commonly held that colonial Australia was built on the back of sheep. Sheep have shaped the culture and industry, creating what would eventually become one of the most the iconic images of Australia. Sheep, and other hard-hoofed animals like cattle, have also caused widespread environmental degradation of their grazing environments, and with their high-water requirements, were, and still are, difficult to manage sustainably in a country of climactic extremes.
Animal remains offer a different type of evidence again – and therefore, a potentially different story. For example, applying a molecular toolkit consisting of radiometric dating, isotopic and genetic analyses to more “standard” morphological and metrical faunal analyses, offers a variety of unique insights into the early dynamics of animal management in new areas – from cultural choices surrounding diet and foodways, to pasturing, husbandry practices and the environmental impacts of introduced species.
Most areas of European colonisation reflect the same general zooarchaeological trends, suggesting that colonisation spatio-temporally progresses on a similar trajectory. For example, most colonial periods can be roughly divided into an initial phase, in which faunal diversity is high, consisting of a variety of wild and introduced domesticates. These patterns make sense, as when faced with a new environment, food security and population health are both unstable as the colonisers attempt to adapt to a new suite of environmental and social conditions. This initial phase is also characterised by social, economic and nutritional instability, and often results in the depletion of native species, as exemplified by the crash in kangaroo numbers in the Sydney Basin shortly following European colonisation. Subsequent periods show a marked decline in species diversity, with an especially large decrease in the use of native species. Reliance on a handful of introduced, European domesticates follows, with an associated growth in population and specialised economic structures built off the back of these animals, including textile and meat industries. The general trend is then one of decreased species richness and increased intensification of specialised or species-targeted animal husbandry – as aptly exemplified by the growth of the Australian sheep industry.
Sheep provide an excellent insight into the development of Australia, specifically Sydney, and an exploration of the origins of colonial Australian rural life and culture. As Karskens (2010) adeptly illustrates, cities emerge from “kaleidoscopic complexity”. Sydney was a different place to different people, with “different groups vying for control of urban culture, spaces and places, and for economic and social dominance, all within overarching environmental imperatives...” (Karskens 2010, 3). The early livestock industry was tied to the same geographical constraints and opportunities as the Aboriginal peoples whose Country the colonial settlers claimed – and understanding the way in which water and grazing land shaped the growth of Sydney and the hinterland is reflected in this early grazing economy.
Historical zooarchaeology in Australia remains underdeveloped, with volumes of data derived from commercial consulting projects not available through peer-reviewed publication, and so the European, colonial cultural drivers of the Australian diet have received little attention. The influence of these domesticates on the environment and Australian native species has received even less attention – perhaps because to address this places Australia in a social predicament. That is, it would mean a move away from British foods and toward native species such as kangaroo, emu and bush foods. Interestingly, however, some alternative foods have gained prominence in recent years – and much of this might be attributed to a new wave of cultural groups from South-East Asia, coupled with a growing focus on the environmental requirements of the traditional European trio (i.e. sheep, cattle and pigs).
Understanding historical foodways offers a way forward. Discussing the drivers behind food choice, coupled with a clear understanding of the environmental impacts of this choice, facilitates an open and robust conversation about future foodways. This makes possible previously unattainable avenues of research, allowing for a much broader understanding of the complex interplay between culture, environment and a burgeoning new economic system. In turn, this provides a promising way forward for the future of food – one that is sustainable and suited to an ever more fragile world. Learning from the past enables us to contextualise present day situations, increasing our ability to inform current mitigation strategies in response to changing global pressures on the environment – both natural and human induced.
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